One of the pivotal factors driving global politics in the post 9/11 world has been the growing rift between the West and Islamic countries. This new wave of geo-political conflict, coined by Samuel Huntington as the �€˜Clash of Civilizations�€™, has gripped the minds and interest of political analysts and aficionados around the world and has made topics like Iraq and Islamic fundamentalism part of common discourse. What are some of the main issues that stand at the center of West-Islam relations today?

Their much touted energy reserves for one; Islam in its radical, political and conservative personas another; the sunni-shia divide especially sectarian tensions in Iraq; the complex and explosive relationship shared between South Asia�€™s two warring cousins Pakistan and Afghanistan; the Palestinian issue of course and lastly let us not forget, the final frontier, the inscrutable Islamic Republic of Iran and its controversial nuclear ambitions. In his book �€˜Engaging the Muslim World�€™, Juan Cole attempts to provide a more in-depth analysis on these evocative issues and in doing so he hopes to clear certain misgivings and misconceptions that one might have about this part of the world. 

Cole�€™s insights on events of the past provide a nuanced and comprehensive perspective of present day US-Middle East relations, a perspective that is often missed by those who focus on the here and now.  For instance, US interference in Iranian democratic politics in the 1950s or Russian and British mandates against the construction of railroads in Iran in the early 1900s helps shed light on the Islamic Republic�€™s phobia of neo-colonialism and the nations vehement reluctance to western pressure when it comes to plans for development.  An account of Iraq�€™s long-standing tryst with foreign oil companies and former US Vice-President Dick Cheney�€™s wide-ranging quest for petroleum fields prove to be important factors while understanding pre and post war Iraq. Even Cole�€™s description of US support for Wahabbism in Saudi Arabia during the Cold War - an attempt to underpin the spread of communism in the Middle East - adds a few more layers to the relationship shared between the two great powerhouses of the West and Islamic worlds.  

The author�€™s assessment of Muslim majority nations in South Asia also sheds light on the many grey areas that festoon the political and social terrain of Afghanistan and Pakistan. That only 12% of the Pakistani population comprises the notorious NWFP (North-West Frontier Province) for instance, while nearly 55% of Pakistani citizens live in Punjab province, the stronghold of LeT (Lashkar-e-Toiba), lends proportion to our views on South Asian security. Or perhaps Cole�€™s observation that Pashtun areas mainly voted for mainstream political parties after 1947 and only started supporting Pakistan�€™s major fundamentalist party, the Jama�€™at-i-Islami, after the US invasion into Afghanistan in 2002 places a causal reality and a time-line on the so-called Talibanization of Pakistan�€™s periphery. 

However this book is more than just a history lesson for Western readers, a corrective for Islamophobia or an explanation for muslim ire. If we move beyond Juan Cole�€™s�€™s attempts to explain the other side of the story it is a storehouse of information that can be used to envisage future trends both in the Middle East and South Asia.  His viewpoints have been established before - issues concerning energy, sectarian strife, radicalism, proxy politics, defence and security have haunted the Muslim world for years. The importance of the book lies less however in the clarification of past events and more as a window into the future, as it is time to shed the ghosts of the past and look forward with regard to these subjects. 

For instance, we all know about America�€™s growing need for energy reserves in the years to come, however one of the more fascinating observations in this book is the emergence of China and India in the energy market and possible alliances and collaborations that could develop as a result of their fast-growing petroleum needs. China and India stood as the second and sixth largest importers of petroleum in recent years and their annual energy demand is growing by approximately 12% and 8% respectively.  With this growing demand for oil, several projects in the �€˜pipeline�€™ �€“ to use the term literally and figuratively �€“ and ambitious national oil companies thirsting for new ventures, these emerging nations could burgeon forth a new center for geo-politics. In the near future, China�€™s Shanghai Security Cooperation (SCO), plans to secure new oil contracts in Central Asia and India�€™s state energy company, plans to tap natural gas in Iran�€™s Farsi block. These plans could strengthen alliances between Islamic countries and the rest of Asia and could also, as Cole adequately observes, deter US attempts to isolate Iran. Many analysts have stated that the need for petroleum and gas cannot be completely satisfied by alternative energies and energy politics will still form a major part of tomorrow�€™s world; the list of players however in tomorrow�€™s energy politics might change. 

While most of us have come across theories on the Bush-Cheney agenda and potential factors that led to the Iraq war, very few know about the internal dynamics of Iraqi politics and the hurdles the country faces in its quest for democratic elections. In his book Cole gives a more detailed explanation of Iraq�€™s estranged Sunni community and their long hiatus from Iraqi politics after the 2005 elections. According to Cole, �€œSome of Iraq�€™s major problems derive from the form its politics has taken, which does not provide strong guarantees for minority rights�€. In the December 2005 elections 132 out of 275 seats were gained by the Shiite religious parties in Iraq. So to take a cue from Juan Cole, the future of Iraqi security will depend on the new allocation of political seats amongst Iraq�€™s minority communities in the recent March 7th elections (2010) and much of this depends on the winning Iraqiyya party and its leader Ayad Allawi. Many see him as the secular face of the new Iraq and the coalition that he forms in the next few weeks will either prove them right or wrong.   

Another commonly discussed topic in political discourse has been the contradictory relationship that the US shares with Saudi Arabia and its dubious human rights record or Saudi Arabia�€™s new found role as a peace-broker in the region (starting with the Arab Peace Plan, brokered in 2002). The true determining factor in Saudi politics however, might just be the dramatic demographic changes that the Kingdom is projected to incur in the next 20 years. More than 60% of the national population is under 24 years of age and this growing youth population is bringing social, economic and perhaps even political changes to the country. Saudi Arabia�€™s youth are not strangers to the blogging community, they demand high standards of education and productive employment and if these measures are not put in place to satisfy their growing socio-economic needs, they could threaten the political stability of the Kingdom. This demographic trend is something to watch for, not just in Saudi Arabia but the entire Muslim World. 

On the whole, it was an honor to read and review Juan Cole�€™s �€˜Engaging the Muslim World�€™. The Michigan University professor has an extensive knowledge on South Asian and Middle East affairs. He provides an insightful and comprehensive analysis of West-Islam relations, highlighting the core issues affecting today�€™s most important geo-political concern. Most importantly the facts that Cole provides in his book are significant while viewing issues of the past but more importantly, as hints into the future.