On the 2nd of March 2009, donor countries – mainly the US, UK, GCC nations and the EU - astonished the world with their combined pledge of $5.2 billion, aimed to support reconstruction and rehabilitation in Gaza. The Palestinian Authority (PA) originally hoped to raise $2.78 billion for reconstruction efforts after the December war and final figure of nearly double that amount seemed a rare and fortuitous development.

But before we deem the donor conference held at Sharm-el-Sheikh a successful venture, let us first ask ourselves one very important question: Will this money ever reach those in Gaza directly? If this financial aid is allocated in an efficient and equitable manner, it might change the attitudes of many in Gaza towards the international world; but if the aid gets tangled in an ongoing political power play, it could quite possibly drive the Israel-Palestine situation even further into a state of crisis and irreparable damage.

What many of us do not realize is that the most vital moments within conflicts lie in the recovery period. It is just as crucial, if not more, to monitor post war strategies, than it is to monitor the war itself. What truly mattered and yet lacked in Afghanistan after 2001 was a functional postwar strategy. What will truly matter in Iraq after the US pull out in 2011 are measures that will maintain stability and reform. The same applies to Gaza. Although news about the Gaza Strip has gradually petered out after the war, the bitterness and suffering of many still remains and how we deal with their suffering will very much determine the future Israel-Palestine peace process.

The main players in today’s Israel-Palestine conflict have to come to terms with certain inescapable and obvious realities and until and unless they accept these realities, huge sums of money directed toward reconstruction and rehabilitation in the beleaguered strip will be pointless.

Money means nothing if it’s not put to good use.

The main issue of concern, voiced by aid agencies in recent months, is that the aid to Gaza is being hindered by the border blockade.15,000 houses and 700 businesses, roads, sewage pipes and electricity cables have to be rebuilt urgently according to the UNDP and cannot wait for ongoing political procedures.

Notifications by aid agencies have fallen on deaf ears before. For months before the Gaza war, UNRWA issued repeated warnings about stringent border blockades and the serious repercussions that could result from the worsening humanitarian situation in Gaza. All of us in the international community were witness to the repercussions. Hopefully this time, political players will take these organizations seriously. Aid is required urgently and cannot be hindered by diplomatic inaction.

Israel and the US cannot accept a future without Hamas.

The US has made it very clear that the $900 million dollar aid package that they have promised will not go to Hamas. In addition, only $300 million will go to Gaza and the rest of the $600 million is allocated toward Fatah administration expenses in Ramallah. This plan of selective funding will prove to be extremely problematic. It will help strengthen a moderate force and US ally – Fatah, but it will jeopardize current efforts to set up a single unity government at the helm of Palestinian affairs.

It seems as though the US has taken its lack of funding after the 2006 Lebanon war into account this time, but has not learned much from the 2007 split between Hamas and Fatah. Ultimately, cooperation between the rival Palestinian groups is one of the most crucial moves to achieve security and stability for Gaza and its neighbors. Politicizing aid and relief efforts will only enmesh the funds deeper into the rigmarole of dirty politics. The end result? Desperately needed money cannot reach those most affected.

Without an effective ceasefire, Gaza can be reduced to rubble once again.

More than 110 rockets have been fired across the Israel-Gaza border since the alleged ceasefire was established on the 18th of January 2009. The only response that rocket fire will elicit from Israel is a hostile and disproportionate one. Gaza has seen enough suffering. It is time that Hamas relinquishes violent methods and comes to the table with Fatah. They must come to terms with the fact that cooperation is the only way to repair the damage caused after Operation Caste Lead.

On the other hand, the incoming Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his to be formed Israeli right-wing coalition government have so far shown poor prospects for negotiation. Hard-liner Avigdor Lieberman’s position as kingmaker after the elections might very well prove to be disruptive. Netanyahu must be careful about who he chooses for key cabinet positions, especially the new Israeli defense and foreign ministers.

As much as we would like for the hostilities that started last December between Israel and Hamas to end, they are not yet over, by any measure. As much as we would all like to close the chapter on this horrific episode of the Israel-Palestine conflict, certain clear and obvious impediments stand in our way. Formation of a successful Palestinian unity government at the helm, an efficient distribution system of aid and development and finally the maintenance of a genuine ceasefire are extremely essential. Without this, the situation between Hamas and Israel is just a ticking time-bomb and reconstruction efforts in Gaza will be like building houses on the sand.